Edward R. Murrow and the Time of His Time By Joseph Wershba |
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Photograph by Lisa Larson Murrow with characteristic
cigarette in hand, 1954. |
McCarthy and his accomplice, Roy Cohen.
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By Joseph Wershba Edward R. Murrow was my last hero. When
this nation was drowning in cowardice and demagoguery, it was Murrow who
hurled the spear at the terror. The spear was his See It Now
television broadcast on Senator Joe McCarthy. Murrow did not kill off McCarthy or
McCarthyism, but he helped halt America's incredible slide toward a native
brand of fascism. Unbelievable. You had to live through the times to know how
fearful -- indeed, terrorized -- people were about speaking their minds. The
cold war with Russia, the threat of a hot war with China, security programs
and loyalty oaths -- all had cowed the citizens of the most powerful nation
on earth into keeping their minds closed and their mouths shut. The Senate of
the United States. in order not to appear Red, chose to be yellow. It was the
Age of McCarthyism. Edward R. Murrow helped bring it to an end. He was the most famous newsman in
broadcasting, but he spelled out the limitations of his trade. "Just
because the microphone in front of you amplifies your voice around the
world," he'd say, "is no reason to think we have any more wisdom
than we had when our voices could reach only from one end of the bar to the
other." His writing was simple, direct. He used
strong, active verbs. On paper, it looked plain. The voice made the words
catch fire. He regarded the news as a sacred trust. Accuracy was everything.
And, always, fairness. * * * I remember once, flying with him from
Alaska to cover the war in Korea, our military aircraft seemed to be circling
endlessly in the dark night of the Pacific. The steward came down the aisle,
explained that we had already made two passes trying to find the refueling
island, and if we didn't make it on the third -- well...."Joe,"
Murrow said very softly, "that's the best way to go -- in the presence
of good companions." When I went to work on a column of
numbers, Murrow asked what I was doing. I said I was adding up my assets --
how much I'd be able to leave to my wife and baby daughter. It came to
something like $4,000. Murrow's eyes widened. "Washboard," he said,
using the nickname given to me in the Army, "you're the only son of a
bitch I know who is worth more alive than dead!" Sharing the same tiny quarters in Korea,
we'd be up before dawn. The first sound I would hear would be a long, long
pull on a cigarette. I could almost hear the smoke going down to his toes.
Except when the working situation absolutely forbade smoking, I can't ever
recall seeing Murrow without a cigarette. I once got an expense account thrown
back at me because I had included an extra couple of Scotches at the bar. I
appealed to Murrow. "Aren't we allowed a drink at dinner?" I asked.
Murrow gave me one of his Churchillian replies: "Any working reporter
who does not invade the corporate exchequer for at least one fifth of Scotch
each day is not worthy of his hire." I couldn't drink that much -- and
neither could he. The only time I ever saw him under the
influence was the night I drove him home to Washington after dinner at my
Virginia apartment. The air was pleasant, breezy. He was humming some old
logging-camp tune and was waving to the trees like a small boy. I never saw
him so content, even happy. But I know that if he'd had to go into the studio
that night, he'd have had his coffee and would have been ready at the mike. This man I worshipped could have his
mean moods too. One night at the bar he chewed out a colleague, the man who
had been closest to him in wartime London. I cringed. Nearby, another of
"Murrow's Boys" was beaming. I stuttered something about it being
beneath Murrow to bawl out a colleague where the troops might overhear him.
The second Murrow boy roared with laughter. "The poor s.o.b. deserves
a reaming!" he said. A little later, the three of them were laughing
and toasting each other again. * * * What was it like to work for Ed Murrow?
Well, on See It Now you didn't work for Murrow, you worked for the man
Murrow called his partner, Fred Friendly. He and Murrow set the agenda.
Reporters or field directors like myself would go out with cameramen. We'd
case the story, film it in the field, bring Murrow in for key portions.
Sometimes Murrow would limit himself to the narration. His voice alone was
enough to give power to the piece. He always gave us full credit on the
air. He never exhibited any professional rivalry or competitiveness. After
Eric Sevareid appeared as a correspondent on our first See It Now
broadcast with a "remote" report from Washington, I told Murrow of
a colleague's reaction: She liked the broadcast, yes, especially Sevareid,
because "he was loaded with sex appeal." "Well," said
Murrow, smiling, "I guess we'll have to keep him the hell off the
air." Sevareid, of course, was a Murrow Boy, and with Murrow's backing
he became one of the most influential figures in broadcasting. Friendly knew how honored we were to
labor in Murrow's shadow and worked us to the bone. The phone would ring at 3
a.m., wherever the hell we were, scattered around the world. Friendly on the
phone: "Joe, Ed wants...." I'd snap to attention and salute. I knew
it really was Fred wants, but I also knew that when it came down to
the final edit, it would be something Ed would want also. * * * When my cameraman Charlie Mack and I
sent in our film on "The Case of Lieut. Milo Radulovich," Friendly
got on the phone. "You're fired," he bellowed, "I'm
fired, Ed's fired, but we're going to turn out the greatest broadcast
ever done on television!" The Radulovich case involved a young Air
Force Reserve weatherman who had been dropped from the service in the age of
security madness. The Air Force secretly accused his father and sister of
holding radical views. There were no complaints against Milo Radulovich. He
was given to understand that if he publicly repudiated his father and sister
he might get his commission back. Radulovich said that wasn't what Americanism
meant to him. He refused to "cut his blood ties." On the program, Murrow was never more
magnetic in his stark portrait of America going dark: "Whatever happens
in this whole area of the relationship between the individual and the State,
we will do ourselves; it cannot be blamed upon [Soviet Premier Georgi]
Malenkov, Mao Tse-tung or even our allies." There followed a public
outcry. A few weeks later the Air Force announced on See It Now that
Milo Radulovich had his commission back. * * * The McCarthy crowd was aroused.
McCarthy's chief investigator, Don Surine, came up to me when we were
covering the testimony of F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover. "Hey
Joe", he said, "What's this Radwich junk you putting out?" I
didn't need a road map to tell me there was trouble ahead. I started to say I
had to rush off to the airport, but Surine cut me short. "What would you
say if I told you Murrow was on the Soviet payroll in 1934?" he asked.
"Come on up to the office and I'll show you." He told me to wait outside McCarthy's
staff office and soon reappeared with a photostat of a Hearst newspaper front
page, dated February 18, 1935, containing an attack on the Institute of
International Education for sponsoring a summer exchange program between
American professors and their Soviet counterparts. The institute had the
support of the leading educators in America; it conducted exchange seminars
around the world. Murrow had been a 26-year-old up-and-comer in the I.I.E.
and was merely mentioned in the Hearst "expose" of the institute's
seminar at Moscow University. But Moscow!! That was enough for
McCarthy. His crowd had dug up "files" on everybody. The
implication was clear. Murrow was now a full-fledged McCarthy target for
having dared to broadcast the Radulovich story. But how was Murrow on the
Soviet payroll? Surine's explanation was simplicity itself: The I.I.E. had to
go through VOKS, the Soviet student exchange organization, they paid some of
the expenses -- and that put the I.I.E. -- and Murrow -- on the Soviet
payroll. I asked if I could show the photostats
to Mr. Murrow. Permission granted. "Mind you, Joe," Surine said,
"I'm not saying Murrow's a Commie himself....but if it looks like a
duck, walks like a duck and quacks like a duck -- it's a duck." Then came another weapon in the arsenal
-- the threats against a family member. "It's a terrible shame,"
Surine said offhandedly. "Murrow's brother being a general in the Air
Force." I could feel the hair rise on the back of my neck. The next night, I brought the
"expose" to Murrow. He was suffering a bad cold. He looked wan. He
scanned the front page, reddened a bit, then a weak grin came over his face.
"So that's what they've got," he said. It was the only time
I ever heard Murrow privately or publicly concede that the fear with which
McCarthyism was poisoning the soul of the nation had penetrated his soul as
well. But the next day, Murrow came up to me
at the water fountain. He was over his cold. The pallor was gone. He drew his
lips back and his large teeth looked ready to chomp a live bear. All he said
was, "The question now is, when do I go against these guys?" Ed
Murrow in a suppressed rage was a terrible thing to behold. Over the next four months, while Murrow
held the reins, Fred Friendly organized the material -- mostly devastating
clips of McCarthy himself -- for the broadcast. What I remember most of that
period were Murrow's comments on the kind of America he believed in. He said,
"All I can hope to teach my son is to tell the truth and fear no
man" And: "The only thing that counts is the right to know, to
speak, to think -- that, and the sanctity of the courts. Otherwise it's not
America." And: "We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty." * * * When we looked at the near-final cut of
the McCarthy broadcast and the staff showed fear of putting it on the air,
Murrow spoke a line that landed like a lash across our backs: "The
terror is right here in this room." And later: "No one man can
terrorize a whole nation unless we are all his accomplices." When
someone asked what he would say on the McCarthy broadcast, he replied,
"If none of us ever read a book that was 'dangerous,' nor had a friend
who was 'different,' or never joined an organization that advocated 'change,'
we would all be just the kind of people Joe McCarthy wants." On the night of the broadcast, March 9,
1954, the night the spear was hurled against the terror that held America in
thrall, Edward R. Murrow spoke words that should be handed down as legacy to
every generation of Americans: "We will not walk in fear, one of
another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of unreason if we dig deep
in our history and doctrine and remember that we are not descended from
fearful men, not from men who feared to write, to speak, to associate and to
defend causes which were for the moment unpopular. We can deny our heritage
and our history, but we cannot escape responsibility for the result. There is
no way for a citizen of the Republic to abdicate his responsibility." Edward R. Murrow, the man I often
addressed as "Father," was
my last hero. ___________________________ Veteran journalist Joseph Wershba joined CBS News in 1944 serving as
writer, editor and correspondent. He was a producer of the renowned "60
Minutes" from 1968-1988.
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